What We Want for Christmas

Two days ago, here in Utah just as all over the country, thousands of Christmas shoppers lined up outside stores like Walmart and Target, seeking deals on commodities manufactured in factories all over the world. As in any other shopping season, these consumers probably gave little thought to where the items they bought came from. They only cared if these goods were cheap, or if they could get the latest branded shirt or popular toy.

Over the next two days, a massive fire broke out in a garment factory in Bangladesh. According to the New York Times,

Bangladesh’s garment industry, the second largest exporter of clothing after China, has a notoriously poor record of fire safety. Since 2006, more than 500 Bangladeshi workers have died in garment factory fires, according to Clean Clothes Campaign, an anti-sweatshop advocacy group based in Amsterdam. Experts say many of the fires could have been easily avoided if the factories had taken the right precautions. Many factories are in cramped neighborhoods, have too few fire escapes and widely flout safety measures. The industry employs more than three million workers in Bangladesh, mostly women.

While consumers in the US were hiding away their newly bought presents under beds, in attics, or in closets, these workers were cramming into too-few staircases in a 9 story building, lying low on floors in a futile attempt to escape smoke, or jumping out of windows.

This is the price of low prices: hundreds of burned bodies and hundreds more injured people. This a fraction of a global workforce dedicated to bringing us the names brands we want at the prices we can’t beat. Their wages are low, and the safety and environmental standards they work in are even lower. Their work is a large part of what makes Black Friday work.

These same Bangladeshi workers have been agitating for better wages and working conditions. I doubt any Christmas shopper here in Utah would begrudge them those things – especially after this tragedy – but of course the result would be prices at Walmart and Target going up, and perhaps that’s untenable for us. We live in a system where such price changes are anathema, because it’s not about decent wages anymore, it’s about the ability to maintain a consumer lifestyle just as our parents did. Our wages, in fact, are going down, too, but just so long as we can get cheap stuff from underpaid people in Asia we don’t notice. And as long as we don’t notice, the owners of the giant retailers, factories, sourcing firms, importers, and distribution companies make tremendous profits and widen the gap between them and us.

So, what do we want for Christmas? Less stuff. Less consumption, less demand for cheap goods at any cost. Less environmental destruction. Lesser lines outside global companies that push wages down around the world and push dangers up. More worker control of these factories. More worker control of retailers. Far less profit going to owners. Far more going to the people who actually do the work.

That would make for a fine Christmas.

Obama Re-elected – The Fightback Begins

Posted: 06 Nov 2012 10:45 PM PST

Tonight, Barack Obama was declared the winner of the U.S. Presidential election. Obama ran a centrist, lackluster campaign that was fueled by an avalanche of campaign donations from corporate America.  The losers were poor and working class people all over the country.

By Billy Wharton

Although, Mitt Romney was the other corporate funded candidate in the race, it will be regular Americans who will have to live with repercussions of a second Obama presidency.  Over the next four years, the administration will continue to extend the damage it has initiated since 2008.

On the healthcare front, four more years of Obama will mean that the terms of his Obamacare legislation will be frozen into place.  The possibility of re-initiating grassroots campaigning for single-payer healthcare will be mostly foreclosed until the causalities of this new system emerge en masse.  Obama made sure to protect the pharmaceutical companies and further entrench private health insurers into the healthcare system. No wonder then that a major healthcare company such as Kaiser Permanente lavished more than $500,000 on the Obama campaign while ignoring Romney. Private healthcare companies were the real winners in the first Obama presidency and they will certainly consolidate these gains in the next four years.  Poor and working class Americans will pay the price for this.

And the same will be true as the hysteria about the “fiscal cliff” gets ramped up.  This discussion will be the pretext for bringing the kinds of harsh austerity measures currently being enacted in Europe across the Atlantic to America.  The Obama administration has already begun negotiations with Republican members of Congress for what they are calling a “compromise budget.”  The compromise will entail cutting social programs such as Medicare, Medicaid and social security in return for slightly higher taxation on the rich.  Such cuts will bring the federal government in line with state and local governments who have been engaged harsh budget cuts for the past four years.  What once were called the “third rail” programs of American politics – Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security – will instantly be converted into a target for an Obama administration intent on slashing the federal budget.

A second Obama term will also mean more of the same for foreign policy. Far from advancing a peace agenda, the Obama administration had intensified aspects of the military aggression in the Middle East initiated by George W. Bush and has, in some cases, accelerated the erosion of civil rights.  The two symbols of this militaristic approach are the homicidal drone bombing campaign that Obama has personally overseen and Private Bradley Manning who currently sits in a military detention facility.  The drones demonstrate that even if Obama slightly reduces the military budget, he will remain committed to using the military industrial complex as a tool to enforce American global interests even if this violates international human rights.  Manning is Obama’s prisoner – a brave whistle blower who refused to comply with criminal military aggression.  He stands as a permanent symbol of Obama’s war on civil rights and his case should be a point of struggle for left-wing activists.

Finally, both Obama and Romney have almost entirely disregarded issues related to climate change.  Obama’s administration has the advantage of actually recognizing that climate change exists.  Yet, this has meant little in regards to either pro-environment legislation or  even a shift to renewable energy sources. Obama’s environmental bankruptcy has been on vivid display during the periodic environmental disasters.  He was asleep at the wheel during the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, coddling the multinational corporate offenders at BP as they foot dragged through a clean up.  More recently, he was purely reactive during Hurricane Sandy, offering consoling words, but nothing in the way of a strategic plan of action to ensure safety today and environmental balance in the future.  Four more years of Obama will bring us no closer to this vision that lies at the heart of Eco-socialism.

Not surprisingly, the challenge faced by regular people all over the country will be the same with a second Obama administration as it would be with a new Romney regime.  We must build the capacity to fiercely resist the austerity policies that are sure to be imposed on us.  No fiscal cliff, grand compromise or economic common sense should be allowed to be used as a justification for these cuts.  Resist, resist, resist should be the clarion call of the next four years.

Throughout this process, democratic socialism will remain a viable alternative to the politics of austerity. Socialism’s critique of capitalism and counterposing of the global commons to American hegemony offer a vision of a different future – one in which the great wealth of the world is put to work to make life better for everyone, one in which the people of America are reconnected to the world by bonds of solidarity and one in which humanity regains equilibrium with the natural world.  This is what we continue to fight for -  a world based on the socialist values of solidarity, compassion and justice.

***
Billy Wharton is a writer, activist and co-chair of the Socialist Party USA. His articles have appeared in the Washington Post, the NYC Indypendent, Spectrezine and the Monthly Review Zine. He can be reached at whartonbilly[at]gmail[dot]com.

A Socialist Victory in the Venezuelan Elections

This does not mean that Venezuela has become some sort of socialist paradise.  What it does mean is that when a regime begins to intentionally address the problems faced by poor and working class people, serious progress can be made.  

by Billy Wharton

Long before Occupy Wall Street, long before the radical elements in Europe coalesced after the 2008 economic crisis and long before the electoral rise of mass democratic socialist parties in Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, a serious crack was made into the global capitalist system.  Not surprisingly, the new political space for socialism came from Latin America, more specifically from Venezuela where former military officer Hugo Chavez was democratically elected as President in 1999.  Chavez represented more than just a protest against the worst features of capitalism.  The Bolivarian Revolution promised to transform Venezuela and provide a direct challenge to Global Capitalism.  Tonight’s re-election of Hugo Chavez allows this project to continue – it demonstrates that millions of voters in Venezuela continue to support the ideals of a democratic socialism for the 21st century.

The accomplishments of the Chavez regime over the past 13 years are undeniable.  When he entered office, Chavez took command of an economy that had been ravaged by IMF structural adjustment plans that had devastated most of the welfare subsidies and social guarantees that had been built up by the progressive nationalist regimes of the 1970s.  This process reached a critical head in 1989 as the rumor of more IMF cutbacks set off mass riots in poor and working class communities that came to be known as “El Caracazo.”  Chavez’s leadership emerged out of this rebellion.

Using conservative sources, we still find that since Chavez was elected President in 1999, unemployment has been cut in half – declining from 14% to 7%.  Increased access to medical care, particularly through community clinics staffed by Cuban physicians, has led to a decline in infant mortality from 20 deaths per 1,000 live births to 13 deaths per 1,000.  Per capita GDP has increased from $4,000 in 1999 to $10,000 today.  And extreme poverty has declined from 23% of the population when Chavez entered office in 1999 to 8.5% today.

This does not mean that Venezuela has become some sort of socialist paradise.  What it does mean is that when a regime begins to intentionally address the problems faced by poor and working class people, serious progress can be made.  Some of these changes have had an anti-capitalist flavor – especially the strategic nationalization of essential industries, the political support of local communal councils and the economic muscle created to support worker-owned cooperatives.  Others relate to the re-direction of oil export profits into an expanded social welfare state.

The election of right wing opposition candidate Henrique Capriles would have meant an immediate end to this process of social transformation.  After years of deep disorganization and marginalization, the Venezuelan right-wing has now re-organized itself.  It speaks the language of social-democracy while representing the social elements in Venezuela who lustily seek a return to the good old days before Chavez.  They have certainly been helped in this effort by the pressure placed on the economy by the global economic crisis, by deep contradictions inside of the Chavez regime and by their deep-pocketed benefactors in the United States.

It was not just the US State Department that was deeply implicated in attempts to de-stabilize the Chavez regime.  Mainstream media sources in the US served as virtual mouthpieces for the the right-wing opposition in Venezuela.  While officials from the Carter Center conducted intensive checks on the country’s electoral system, the US media trumpeted the paranoid claims of the opposition that Chavez supporters were setting themselves up to steal the election.  Despite the public claims made by all Venezuelan officials, including Chavez, to respect any decision made by the electorate, the US media still felt comfortable highlighting reports that Venezuelan National Guardsmen with AK47’s were roaming the streets of Carcas – a not so subtle implication that a coup would follow a Chavez defeat.  Once again, the US media provided the soft imperialist power – dumbing down public opinion in the US while supporting the moral claims of a right-wing opposition bent on the deeply immoral annihilation of social justice in Venezuela.

The electoral victory leaves the Chavez regime with much work to do.  One place to start might be addressing the severe housing crisis.  Although the government has created 250,000 new homes, this has fallen far short of the demand coming from poor and working class communities.  In response, Chavez has launched an ambitious public housing project, known as the Great Housing Mission, before the elections.  Some 3.6 million families have registered for the program and the mission hopes to create 2 million new homes in the next seven years. US media coverage of this effort painted it as a cynical and even cruel attempt to harvest votes.  This might be because the need for affordable quality public housing reverberates far beyond the border of Venezuela into all capitalist societies.  Creating a model socialist public housing sector for the 21st century would provide a signal that the Bolivarian Revolution is still engaging with the process of social transformation that was at the heart of its creation.

Being able to further confront the old elites and eventually the new Boliburguesía, the new elites created by the Chavez regime, will mean that the next phase of revolution has begun.  For now though, the electoral victory of Chavez should send the signal to socialist organizations internationally that mass electoral socialist campaigning can yield concrete results.  Millions of formerly unemployed Venezuelan workers, millions who once lived in extreme poverty, millions of children who survived childbirth and now millions of Venezuelan voters provide testimony to the transformative potential of socialism in the 21st century.

***
Billy Wharton is a writer, activist and co-chair of the Socialist Party USA. His articles have appeared in the Washington Post, the NYC Indypendent, Spectrezine and the Monthly Review Zine. He can be reached at whartonbilly[at]gmail[dot]com 

Books: Historians document Utah’s red streak

John R. Sillito, left, and John S. McCormick, authors of "A History of Utah Radicalism: Startling, Socialistic, and Decidedly Revolutionary"

McCormick and Sillito document the leftist history, from the LDS Church’s United Order to a slate of Socialist mayors, in A History of Utah Radicalism

By Ben Fulton

First Published Sep 19 2012 05:46 pm • Last Updated Sep 20 2012 05:04 pm for The Salt Lake Tribune

In a state where Republicans rule the roost, it’s hard to imagine a time when Utah’s clock turned leftward.

There’s no need to imagine it, say historians John McCormick and John Sillito. McCormick is dean of the school of humanities and social sciences at Salt Lake Community College; Sillito is an emeritus professor of libraries at Weber State University. Together, the authors have unearthed a treasure trove of just how red and deep the state’s socialist roots once grew. It’s all between the covers of their recent book, A History of Utah Radicalism: Startling, Socialist, and Decidedly Revolutionary.

Cedar City twice elected a Socialist mayor. Bingham, Eureka, Murray and Joseph boasted Socialist mayors, too. Some 115 Socialists were elected to office between 1900-1920, including Socialist and active Mormon J. Alex Bevan of Tooele.

Granted, this politically dynamic time didn’t last long before The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the rest of Utah, made its bid for mainstream respectability. But with the backdrop of the LDS Church’s decidedly socialistic religious framework, the United Order, it spawned the well-known martyrdom of labor activist Joe Hill, as well as the quirky offshoot of Mormonism known as the Godbeites. Then there’s the historical moment when the daughter of an LDS Church president was praised by anarchist Emma Goldman.

McCormick and Sillito’s book just received the Francis Armstrong Madsen prize for Best History Book at the Utah State History Conference.

How did the socialist movement in Utah differ from labor and socialist movements in other states?

Sillito »The radical movement in Utah tended to look a lot like parties and movements in other parts of the country. The majority of party members were LDS, of course, but they kept in touch with other socialist organizers and candidates in the country.

McCormick »Utah socialists wanted to see themselves as part of the larger movement. That meant they wanted to stay in touch. National speakers came through Utah on a regular basis, partly because Utah socialists invited them.

Sillito »It was the crossroads of the West then, even as it’s the crossroads of the West now. There’s a wonderful story about Eugene Debs [American union leader and a founding member of the Industrial Workers of the World] getting stuck out in Tooele after speaking in Salt Lake City. He got stuck in the snowstorm.

McCormick »He wrote a lovely letter to his brother that’s recounted in the book: “Whatever possessed you to put Tooelle [sic] into this schedule? … The snow was so deep and the roads so bad that no auto owner would let us have a machine at any price. … In 15 minutes I was half frozen, chilled to the marrow, and my feet soon became like ice. … Must I have such a damned killing dose as (this) administered to me on every trip? I am willing to be killed for the cause but I don’t want to die a fool’s death.”

How much more or less socialist was Utah at the time than the rest of the nation?

Sillito »There were things that happened here that weren’t happening in other places. For example, Utah Socialists elected legislators. In other states where Socialists were equally strong, they weren’t successful in electing Socialists.

McCormick »State federations of labor in five states officially endorsed the Socialist Party. One of them was Utah. That was a significant sign of their status.

How did Utah Socialists add their own flavor to the movement?

Sillito »Negotiating the dichotomy between short-term goals of improving working conditions on the one hand, and abolishing the system that produced those subpar conditions on the other, was difficult for them.

McCormick »Whenever they gained control they tended to focus on honest, efficient city services. It was important to them that residents had a sewer system, clean water and garbage collection. None of that was radical. It was something everyone could agree on.

But they knew that if they wanted to have a long-term impact, they had to address problems firsthand. They believed that once they solved these problems, they’d gain credibility and trust. Murray City is a great example. One of the main things Socialist Mayor George Huscher did there was establish Murray City Power Department, a city-owned municipal power plant. It’s still in operation today. The Socialist administration of Eureka was first to put a sewer system and garbage collection in place.

One of the last stories we heard about Utah’s working-class history was in 2000, when the Murray smelting stacks were demolished. A lot of people couldn’t understand the symbolic importance of those stacks.

Sillito »When you consciously choose not to preserve sites associated with labor history, some people draw the conclusion there never was a labor history in the state, which just wasn’t the case. Some people say it’s not conscious. I’m not so sure. I don’t know the motives, but I know the result. We’re often aghast when there’s talk of demolishing a historic mansion, but it’s hard to find examples of working-class housing in the state today. Some still exist in west Salt Lake City, Midvale and even Murray. What you preserve, and don’t preserve, is often very political.

What are your favorite historical anecdotes from the book?

Sillito »My own favorite stretches from 1905-1918, when the Episcopal dioceses of Salt Lake City was led by Franklin Spencer Spalding, then his successor Paul Jones. Both were Episcopal bishops, both were self-avowed Christian Socialists who believed in replacing “the rule of gold with the golden rule.” Neither saw their role as a bishop as promoting socialism, it was just their political viewpoint. When one newspaper reporter asked them about their religious and political affiliations, they said, “Out in Utah there are 700 bishops. Being a bishop is no big deal.”

I also have a fondness for Wilford Woodruff Freckleton, who served as a Socialist on the Eureka City Council. He served his [LDS] mission to England, then returned to Eureka to be re-elected, again as a Socialist.

McCormick »What I was always struck by was how pervasive the Socialist influence was. They published newspapers, ran a column in the Sunday Examiner, [a] full page every Sunday for five years. They spoke all over the state, hosting both local and national speakers. They talked about “socialism with sociability.” They hosted Socialism Day at Saltair, with Red Sunday celebrations in Liberty Park. They’d invite people together for card games. They’d sometimes dance until midnight. They were concerned with keeping up morale whenever possible to maintain confidence and commitment. In 1915, Socialists in Duchesne sponsored Overnight Encampments in which up to 1,000 people in rural Utah heard theatrical performances and debates.

Opposition brought down on the labor movement is also interesting. In 1913, the Salt Lake City Council passed an ordinance designed to prevent Socialists speaking in public. They wanted Socialists and Wobblies [members of Industrial Workers of the World] to speak only on the corner of Orpheum Ave. and Commercial Street, now called Regent Street. At the time, that was the center of Salt Lake City’s red-light district.

If people know any figure from Utah’s labor movement, it’s Joe Hill. Is his reputation warranted or overrated?

McCormick »It’s so complicated. People really need to read William Adler’s recent book The Man Who Never Died for the full answer. Hill was an iconic figure whose trial and death in Utah has inspired people everywhere. He had the ability to come up with catchy phrases such as, “Don’t mourn, organize,” and “Don’t listen to people who promise you something in the next life, work for it in this life.” Adler shows, I think, that you can make a good case [Hill] was innocent. But why didn’t he make a better case himself? Perhaps he thought his death as a martyr was more useful than his life as a worker. I’ve been studying that case since 1970. I get a new wrinkle on it every time I study it.

Sillito »We need to remember the socialist movement in Utah was not just about men. Kate Hilliard of Ogden was a great suffragist working with Mormon women. Virginia Snow Stephen is very interesting. She was daughter of the fifth LDS Church president, Lorenzo Snow, a friend of Emma Goldman’s and an advocate of Joe Hill. She was forced to give up her job as art instructor at the University of Utah in 1916 because of her public support for Hill.

What do you hope people come away with from this book?McCormick »Though radical movements from the left are often seen as essentially footnotes to the main story of U.S. and Utah history, marginal to the main story and meriting nothing more than passing interest, paying serious attention to them is important. Doing so can illuminate the past in new ways. A different picture can emerge, not only in details, but in essentials, challenging the “master narrative” and requiring us to think differently about the past, and also then, about the present and the future.

Sillito »Every day when I ask my class if they had a great weekend, they say yes. I say, “Good. Thank the labor movement.” Utah Phillips [labor activist and songwriter] once said, “The most radical thing is the long memory.” In some ways, I think that’s true. I hope with this book people understand the past in a different way. If you know the past, you’re better equipped to address the future.

Why the Chicago Teacher’s Union needs a Socialist Party

 

Posted: 17 Sep 2012 12:15 PM PDT

The simple fact of the matter is that after decades of neoliberalism, the Democratic Party is utterly unable to represent the interests of working people.  This is clear in the day to day operations of politics in Chicago and other cities throughout the country, but comes into even sharper focus when actions like a strike raise the level of resistance by workers to a higher pitch.

by Billy Wharton

The Chicago Teacher’s Union (CTU) is facing a serious political problem as its strike enters a second week.  The problem extends down from the highest heights in Washington, D.C. to the smallest ward in Chicago.  The problem is the Democratic Party and this problem is only getting worse.  Or, one could see the political problem not so much as the presence of one thing, the Democrats, but as the absence of another thing, a serious Socialist Party.  Either way, as the teachers continue their brave attempt to resist the impositions of the school privatizers and consolidators, they will continue to bump into the same problem – they have no one willing to speak for them politically.

The problem in Washington, D.C. is an obvious one.  Presdient Barack Obama abandoned the agenda of the defense of public schools long ago.  His appointment of Arne Duncan as the Secretrary of Education sent the message loud and clear.  Duncan had spent his time winding his way up the ladder of the Education bureaucracy in Chicago – all along carving out space for charter schools to become the preferred vehicle for “school reform” in the city.  Not surprisingly, this meant clashes with the CTU.  No surprises from CTU then when Duncan authored Obama’s “Race to the Top” education policy that embraced charter schools as a means to transform school systems across the country.

Such political problems are not confined to the heights of power in D.C.  Anti-public school sentiment has sunk deep roots into local politics in Chicago, proving the old maxim offered by Karl Marx that “when they play the fiddle at the top of the state what is there to do but dance.”  And Chicago’s Democratic Party Alderman are in a dancing mood lately – trodding all over the hopes and dreams of CTU members and parent supporters for a revitalized public school system in the city.

Chief among the union hostile Aldermen is Carrie Austin from Chicago’s Ward 34.  Austin made her name in politics by taking over the seat of her deceased husband.  Since then, she has earned the nickname “Power Broker” during her rise to the Chair of the Black Caucus in the City Council.  Lately Austin has spent plenty of time savaging the CTU in the press.  The strike, she argued, was “one of choice,” the outcome of which would, “…affect (parents) in a devastating way, especially to the parent that absolutely must work.”  According to Austin the blame for the strike fell squarely on the shoulders of the CTU – “Are your demands such that you have to strike to get resolution?”

Joe Proco Moreno the vegetarian, pro-fitness Alderman of the 1st Ward joined in with Austin.  He cited phone calls from “my parents and others in the ward” about the deal offered by Mayor Rahm Emanuel.  The unnamed callers told Moreno, “…you know this looks like a pretty good deal.”  As a result he proclaimed that, “It’s ridiculous that they’re striking.” Emma Mitts, Alderman from the 37th Ward, agrees.  Her slogan is “unity in the community,” so she was able to identify the key issue that produced the strike.  The “personality clash” between the mayor and CTU President Karen Lewis “could be one of the biggest factors.”  A simple solution seemed to be in order, “We can’t keep pointing fingers,” she said. “As adults, we can always have differences, but we need to rise above that as a public servant.”

Another group of Alderman have chosen another way to not deal with the real issues related to the strike.  For them, it’s all about the kids.  Tough on crime Alderman Jason Ervin of the 28th Ward went this route, offer the following content-less gem to the Chicago Tribune, “The key right now is making sure that the kids are safe.”  Alderman Joe Moore of the 49th Ward, author of a much lauded Participatory Budgeting Initiative, offered the ugly side of the “it’s all about the kids” position.  For Moore, it’s all about the kids, because the kids are all potentials criminals in the making.  He predicted an “…uptick in crime, particularly among the adolescents and teenagers who suddenly find a lot of time on their hands.”

The concrete result of all of the hostility and inanities was the creation of a letter, signed on to by 33 of the 50 Alderman in the City Council which asked Lewis to keep students in the classroom while negotiating.  Several among the 33 such as Timothy Cullerton of the 33rd Ward are professed supporters of the CTU strike action.  A smaller handful of others, particularly, Bob Fioretti, Rick Munoz and John Arena have been more steadfast. Each has been willing to speak at CTU rallies and speak publicly in support of the strike effort.  Yet, even they normally temper their comments with a call for a quick resolution to the strike action.

The simple fact of the matter is that after decades of neoliberalism, the Democratic Party is utterly unable to represent the interests of working people.  This is clear in the day to day operations of politics in Chicago and other cities throughout the country, but comes into even sharper focus when actions like a strike raise the level of resistance by workers to a higher pitch.  Support for charter schools is therefore not just a way for local politicians to follow the tone set by National policy makers.  It is the manner in which Democratic Party politicians express their deeply pro-Corporate politics.  It is a way to appease their funders.  And it is a way to betray the interests of poor and working class children all under the moral cloak of “reform.”

A Socialist Alderman would attempt to make the critical link between the Teacher’s strike and the interests of public school parents throughout Chicago.  Namely, that the demands being made by the CTU are demands made in the service of defending public education in the city.  While much of media focus has been placed on the union’s wage demands, several of the other issues on the table relate to the general conditions of the school system.  This is especially true of their demands for smaller class sizes, air conditioned classrooms, and increased support staff for students such as paraprofessionals, counselors, and therapists.  A Socialist Alderman would make this message clear to the media – The interests of the teachers and the interests of the parents are one and the same.

While working to increase support in the public, an elected socialist official would also attempt to engage the City Council as a mechanism to force the Mayor to settle on the terms offered by the CTU.  This would allow the union to press the Mayor’s office from the inside and the outside as they attempt to create a local defeat of the anti-public school forces that currently control the national landscape.  Democratic socialist representatives would provide a voice for working people throughout the city and in moments of crisis such as this one, we would provide critical resources for working people to achieve victory.

Clearly Rahm Emanuel and the majority of the Democrats in the City Council are actively attempting to present the union as an isolated self-interested body.  Democratic Socialist candidates, and eventually, elected public officials would work to reverse this by showing how Emanuel and the Democrats educational agenda is based on the narrow pro-Corporate self-interest that has filtered through mainstream politics.  The CTU strike is another reminder of why Socialists run in electoral races and a serious lesson on why organized labor needs to support us when we do so.  Socialists will bring a voice to politics that will be economically independent from Corporate America.  One that will challenge the neoliberalism of the Democratic Party on a daily basis and will certainly come in handy when workers exercise their power on the worksite by striking.

Blue and Red Mendacity

Writing in the New York Times’s The Stone blog, Jason Stanley argues that we Americans have given up on hearing politicians or pundits speak any truths:

The expectation is that any statement made either by a politician or by a media outlet is a false ideological distortion. As a result, no one blames politicians for making false statements or statements that obviously contradict that politician’s beliefs. I believe that the unfolding presidential campaign provides a compelling demonstration of my previous claims….  Americans no longer expect or care about candidates making honest assertions in the public sphere. They no longer expect consistency and honesty from politicians, and the savvy political campaigner recognizes that there is no cost to making statements that contradict even their most well-known beliefs.

The Romney campaign’s outright lies are many: Paul Ryan claimed that Obama’s Medicare budget would cut funding for Medicare recipients (wrong). Romney claims Obama has gone around apologizing for America (wrong). Michelle Bachman engaged in creative reading of a study to argue that unemployment will rise under Obama (wrong).

Obama et al aren’t off the hook. The Great Transparency President has been far less than transparent, failing to expose special interest tax breaks on the Internet as promised. He has lied about Romney’s stance on abortion. He has lied about where his campaign finances are coming from. Not to mention his whole posturing as a hopey-changey president who has continued the War on Terror, killed American citizens without due process, and surrounded himself with Wall Streeters.

So the question is: why? Why lie? Lying is wrong, isn’t it?

They are lying to us because the only consequence of lying anymore is losing an election. That’s a small price to pay when the consolation prize seems to be a life of punditry, speaking engagements, cushy academic appointments, and corporate gigs. The grand prize, of course, is gaining office and thus gaining power, becoming ensconced in offices awash in corporate funding with the only burden of having to sign bills pre-written by lobbyists.

They are lying because sentimentalism (Obama will kill your Grandma! The Republicans hate women!) trumps honesty on television. And since television journalism isn’t fact-checking anymore, everyone’s happy: politicians get to say what they want and media owners get plenty of pre-formatted soundbites to sell commercial time around.

They are lying because the truth hurts: The Democrats are the party of finance capitalism. The Republicans are the party of finance capital. They talk about being for Americans, but really they’re for a global elite comprised of the extremely wealthy.

They are lying, simply put, because we expect it, we accept it, and we have stopped caring.

I am struck by the resignation of Andrea Seabrook of NPR. She had covered Congress for a decade. And then she gave up. She gave up because she had to report outright lies from members of Congress, and she was never afforded the time and space to debunk lies. She’s gone rogue (pax, Ms. Palin) on a new blog, DecodeDC, which will be an attempt to dig into Congressspeak and sift out a more accurate reality from the language of politicians. (Good luck!)

And yet, in the internet age, I am not sure how well DecodeDC will fare against the tide of lies. We live in a time in which we choose what to believe and we ignore what we don’t. Politicians know this – and their corporate owners know this – and so they will continue to lie to us, and we will believe them.

Or, perhaps you’re fed up. If so, we suggest voting for a third party. The Socialist Party USA has a Presidential ticket of Stewart Alexander and Alex Mendoza, and if they aren’t on your ballot in November, you can write them in. Doing so is your right, and in many ways is probably more effective than voting for President in the Electoral College.

Hell, if you want to vote for another party, Green, Libertarian, you’re still doing something besides voting for liars. The Greens, the Libertarians, the Socialists – we’re all on the outside of the mainstream, which basically means we have far less incentive to lie!

Like the title of the PJ O’Rourke’s book says, Don’t Vote; It Just Encourages the Bastards. We just suggest that he means, Don’t Vote for Republicrats and Democrans – it just encourages the liars.

Stuff to fire you up: Mexican Protest Edition

The YoSoy132 Movement in Mexico is gaining power, dogging presidential candidate Enrique Peña Nieto at every turn.

Professor Wolff takes a look at the Mondragon Cooperative as a model for economic justice and worker-controlled production.

Bangladeshi garment workers are clashing with “industrial police” as they protest low wages while factory owners get richer by the year.

We already have this formula: money = speech. Do we want this one: computer algorithms = speech? No, we do not, argues Tim Wu.

What do we say? Stand with the students of Mexico, Greece, Spain, and of course the nascent student movements here in the US | Start looking around – socialized production is more common than you think, even here in the US | Marx had it right – put workers together in factories and they will organize | More algorithms != more speech. Otherwise, HAL will be president.

Stuff to fire you up: Perpetual fundraising edition

Obama and Romney are spending most of their time in wealthy homes begging for money. Who do you think either will listen to when it comes time to execute policy? Not us.

Libcom.org has a Quebec Protest photo gallery.

Louis Proyect on Brand Obama and all that hopey-changey imperialism.

We can whine about police and government surveillance done to “fight terrorism” (in this case against American citizens who just happen to be Muslim), or we can organize against it. Your choice.

Speaking of which, it seems as if new surveillance technologies (license plate scanners) won’t be used on Utah’s Highway 15, after all. At least not yet.

Our response to these events: Move to amend to overcome Citizen’s United‘s hijacking of democracy | Support the students of Quebec and Canada | Stop being blind to the Democrat Party’s status as the Other Corporate Party | Remember that “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere,” so do not stand for the monitoring of Muslims because you’re next | Thank the sheriffs of Beaver and Washington counties!

Adbusters’ Mike David on Why We are Striking

To counter the charge that it’s unrealistic, and overly idealistic, to want to bring about real change in our world, as well as the trusty “life isn’t fair” rationale always used to justify injustice, is why we’re striking. We didn’t accept that line of reasoning during the civil rights movement, and we don’t accept it now. We think it’s far more unrealistic to think that a small cadre of elites will be able to keep up their never-ending pursuit of power consolidation and mass manipulation without waking us up in the process. We think it’s far more unlikely that in 1000 years, humanity will still be playing this game of perpetual one-upmanship, instead of picking up the far more efficient and beneficial manner of interacting with each other in honesty, cooperation and genuine respect.

Read the original in its entirety. It’s excellent.

Happy May Day!

A worker holding a May Day bannerWe wish everyone around the world a wonderful May Day!

The Wasatch Socialist Party will take part in May Day demonstrations in Salt Lake City. Our own Josh Belka will be speaking, and of course many of us will be marching.

The march begins at 5 pm at the County Building and proceeds to the Capital. We hope you can join us!

Don’t know much about May Day? This holiday is international, transcending many national and religious differences. It is a day by, of, and for working people the world over. In many countries, May Day is a day off from work. In the US, of course, it is hardly recognized. We know many people cannot take the day off from work, but we are working for a day when May Day is recognized and we all have the freedom to enjoy the day with our families and to remind governments the world over of the power of working people.